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La thématique « Droit et pouvoir en Haïti » s'inscrit dans une histoire postcoloniale mouvementée, sur la longue durée de la formation de l'identité juridique haïtienne. Après l'Indépendance, l'État en Haïti s'est construit en partie sur la base des structures juridiques et politiques de l'ancienne métropole, notamment du droit public moderne issu de la Révolution française. La fragilité de l'État en construction tient à ce que le droit ne parvient pas toujours à canaliser la force du pouvoir politique, qui est souvent d'essence patrimoniale en Haïti. Il faut ainsi envisager les droits subjectifs à travers la manière dont ils sont énoncés, voire « codifiés » dans les - nombreuses - constitutions haïtiennes. La Révolution haïtienne de 1804 reste l'une des variantes coloniales de la Révolution française qui a accouché d'un modèle théorique d'État antiplantationnaire, antiesclavagiste et anticolonial. Le problème tient au mimétisme des premiers dirigeants haïtiens s'incarnant parfois dans le « paternalisme constitutionnel » de l'armée, la colonialité du droit et du pouvoir restant un héritage de l'expérience louverturienne. Le droit privé haïtien a puisé également dans les sources françaises en s'inspirant des codes napoléoniens. Le système haïtien entretient ainsi un rapport complexe aux sources du droit, notamment au regard de la coutume, qui est plus ou moins reléguée au nom du monisme officiel dans une sorte de droit informel. Le présent ouvrage met à l'honneur le défi postcolonial de l'État de droit sur les questions de droit et de justice, par l'approche internationale de sujets portant sur la dette de l'Indépendance ou encore l'influence des acteurs étrangers sur la législation haïtienne. Le conflit diplomatique séculaire sur l'indemnité de 1825 (reposant sur le principe d'une compensation du préjudice causé aux anciens colons) interpelle l'historien du droit, au- delà d'une approche seulement financière du problème. L'étude des questions de droit privé et d'état des personnes permet également d'articuler les enjeux de pouvoir, de propriété et de territorialité, à travers les contributions portant sur la question foncière et la micro-exploitation, notamment dans le Code rural de 1826 et sur le problème complexe des conflits de lois en Haïti.

• Tome I. XIXème siécle
• Tome II. XXème siécle

"Le Tome I rassemble les Constitutions de 1801, 1805, 1806, 1807, 1811, 1816, 1843, 1846, 1849, 1867, 1874, 1879, 1888 et 1889, chaune faisant l'objet d'une présentation détaillée et d'une mise en contexte historique facilitant la lecture et la compréhension."-- 4th page of cover.
"Le Tome II rassemble les Constitutions de 1915-1918, 1932, 1935 les Amendements de 1944, de 1946, 1950, 1957, 1964,1983 et 1987 (en français et en créole), chaune faisant l'objet d'une présentation détaillée et d'une mise en contexte historique facilitant la lecture et la compréhension."-- 4th page of cover.

• Le premier âge : construction et consolidation de l'État-nation d'Haïti 1804-1915
• Le deuxième âge : de l'occupation américaine à la restructuration du régime (1915-1987)
• Le troisième âge : la Charte de 1987 ou les péripéties d'une nouvelle architecture institutionnelle
• Conclusion
• Annexes

Le constitutionnalisme haïtien a une riche histoire. Inscrit dans le mouvement de lutte de libération du peuple haïtien de la colonisation et l'esclavage, il s'est affirmé dans une singularité historique que plusieurs auteurs, observateurs, hommes politiques n'ont pas manqué de souligner depuis la fin du 18e siécle. Aujourd'hui encore Claude Moïse s'y attelle avec d'autant plus de vigueur analytique que la crise de l'État et de la société nationale révéle de telles dérives de la gouvernance haïtienne qu'elle hypothèque le destin de la nation. Depuis 1986, l'intérêt pour la question constitutionnelle ne s'est jamais démenti. Dans l'effervescence démocratique des temps présents, la nécessité de repenser le cadre de l'organisation de la gouvernance du pays est au cœur de la longue « transition » post Duvalier qui, d'échecs en échecs, s'est transformée en une grave crise nationale. Claude Moïse trouve cependant « important de rappeler que ce que nous appelons l'État traditionnel n'a pas toujours été, à tout moment de l'évolution historique, un État arbitraire, despotique, dépourvu de toute espèce de légalité à opposer à un État de droit démocratique idéal dont nous serions la premiére génération à promouvoir l'avènement...que les batailles constitutionnelles et juridiques n'étaient point que gesticulation de politiciens, que les luttes pour la liberté et pour l'instauration du règne véritable de la loi traversent toute notre histoire politique ... » Que nous avons encore beaucoup à apprendre de notre patrimoine constitutionnel

• Introduction
• De la trajectoire stygienne du folklorisme médiatique
• La Constitution de 1987 face à l'aporie des préjugés indigénistes
• La Constitution de 1987 amendée et ses ancêtres
• La Constitution de 1987 amendée dans ses dispositions digression sur la grille d'analyse du corpus de la Constitution de 1987 amendée
• Conclusion.

With the heightened interest in Haiti following the earthquake of 2010, and the troubled state of its institutions in the decades before that, the world community has received a barrage of information regarding the country, much of it based on stereotypes and ignorance. This title provides comprehensive bibliographic information on the development of one of the earliest independent countries in the Western Hemisphere, from its colonial past through independence to the 21st century. In both the introductory material and in the bibliographic selections, this bilingual work emphasizes the impact of its colonial "mother country," France, and of its most important "neighbor," the United States, on Haitian constitutional and legal development-- Publisher.

• Introduction
• Kolera and the United Nations
• "Judge Him" : pursuing Duvalier -- The rule of law, political will, and Haiti
• The Raboteau trial
• How not to save a country : lost opportunities in the post-earthquake response
• Beyond the courtroom
• The donkey and the horse : Haiti and the United States
• Creating victory for the people.

A cataclysmic earthquake, revolution, corruption and neglect have all conspired to strangle the growth of a legitimate legal system in Haiti. But as How Human Rights Can Build Haiti demonstrates, the story of lawyers-activists on the ground should give us all hope. They organise demonstrations at the street level, argue court cases at the international level and conduct social media and lobbying campaigns across the globe. They are making historic claims and achieving real success as they tackle Haiti's cholera epidemic, post-earthquake housing and rape crises and the Jean-Claude Duvalier prosecution, among other human rights emergencies in Haiti. The only way to transform Haiti's dismal human rights legacy is through a bottom-up social movement, supported by local and international challenges to the status quo. That recipe for reform mirrors the strategy followed by Mario Joseph, Brian Concannon and their clients and colleagues profiled in this book. Together, Joseph, Concannon and their allies represent Haiti's best hope to escape the cycle of disaster, corruption and violence that has characterised the country's two-hundred-year history. At the same time, their efforts are creating a template for a new and more effective human rights-focused strategy to turn around failed states and end global poverty.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

"Aux lecteurs, La présente édition de la constitution, "autonomiste" pensée, souhaitée et promulguée par Toussaint-Louverture, est tirée d'un recueil de textes de lois relatifs à la république de Saint-Domingue, réunis par la prévoyance de Louis-Joseph Janvier. Ce texte est d'une grande portée : ce n'est rien de moins que le projet politique pour la colonie, durant les années où l'ancien esclave de l'habitation Bréda en était le gouverneur général. Témoignage, de cette épopée hors du commun, qui voit jaillir comme du néant, un génie politique rare. Ce texte est d'importance : à l'époque où il est édité, il ne reste que deux ans à vivre à son principal inspirateur : Toussaint-Louverture. Coup du sort ou clin d'oeil de l'Histoire, le texte est ratifié dans la colonie de Saint-Domingue, presque dix ans, jour pour jour après l'insurrection de la Plaine du Nord qui conduisit, par l'ampleur de ses répercussions, à peser de façon décisive dans la Métropole sur une solution favorable de la question coloniale dans le sens de ceux qui prônaient l'abolition. Cette abolition intervient de façon effective en 1794, après une session houleuse de l'Assemblée-Nation (Législative ou "Convention nationale"?) 1801 : année terrible s'il en fut, d'une période particulièrement troublée, après plus d'une décennie de tensions, de luttes, d'affrontements, de destructions mais aussi d'espérances, de reconstruction et de réconciliation, même partielle."--P. [4] of cover.

• 1. Domestic enemies
• 2. Manumission was the means
• 3. Reconciling humanity and public policy
• 4. Stop the course of these cruelties
• 5. Less than just a despot?
• 6. To restore order and tranquility.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

The Haitian Revolution (1789-1804) was an epochal event that galvanized slaves and terrified planters throughout the Atlantic world. Rather than view this tumultuous period solely as a radical rupture with slavery, Malick W. Ghachem's innovative study shows that emancipation in Haiti was also a long-term product of its colonial legal history. Ghachem takes us deep into this volatile colonial past, digging beyond the letter of the law and vividly re-enacting such episodes as the extraordinary prosecution of a master for torturing and killing his slaves. This book brings us face-to-face with the revolutionary invocation of Old Regime law by administrators seeking stability, but also by free people of color and slaves demanding citizenship and an end to brutality. The result is a subtle yet dramatic portrait of the strategic stakes of colonial governance in the land that would become Haiti.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• Introduction
• Domestic enemies
• Manumission was the means
• Reconciling humanity and public policy
• Stop the course of these cruelties
• Less just than a despot?
• To restore order and tranquility
• Conclusion.

The Haitian Revolution (1789-1804) was an epochal event that galvanized slaves and terrified planters throughout the Atlantic world. Rather than view this tumultuous period solely as a radical rupture with slavery, Malick W. Ghachem's innovative study shows that emancipation in Haiti was also a long-term product of its colonial legal history. Ghachem takes us deep into this volatile colonial past, digging beyond the letter of the law and vividly re-enacting such episodes as the extraordinary prosecution of a master for torturing and killing his slaves. This book brings us face-to-face with the revolutionary invocation of Old Regime law by administrators seeking stability, but also by free people of color and slaves demanding citizenship and an end to brutality. The result is a subtle yet dramatic portrait of the strategic stakes of colonial governance in the land that would become Haiti.
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

• I. Summary and Recommendations
• Human Rights Abuses under Jean-Claude Duvalier
• The Proceedings against Duvalier
• Theories of Duvalier's Liability
• Haiti's Obligation to Investigate and Punish Duvalier's Alleged Crimes
• Institutional Challenges Facing the Prosecution
• Recommendations
• To the Government of Haiti
• To Haitian Judicial Authorities
• To the International Community and Donor States
• Note on Methodology
• II. Human Rights Abuses under Jean-Claude Duvalier
• a) Political Prisoners and the Triangle of Death
• b) "Disappearances" and Political Killings
• c) Torture
• d) Repression of the Press and Political Dissent
• November 28, 1980: Duvalier and the Arrest, Torture, and Expulsion of Journalists and Activists
• e) The Need to Investigate Sexual and Gender--Based Violence
• III. The Proceedings against Duvalier
• IV. Theories of Duvalier's Liability
• a) Investigating Duvalier as an Accomplice to Crimes Committed by His Government
• b) Investigating Duvalier for Crimes Committed under His Command Responsibility
• 1. The Superior-Subordinate Relationship
• 2. The Superior's Knowledge
• Superior Duty to Take Necessary and Reasonable Measures to Prevent the Crime and to Punish the Perpetrator
• V. Haiti has a Duty to Investigate and Punish Duvalier's Alleged Crimes
• a) Haiti's International Obligation to Investigate Serious Violations of Human Rights or Crimes against Humanity Prevails over Any Statute of Limitations
• b) The Continuous Nature of "Disappearances" and False Imprisonment Prevent Prescription
• VI. Institutional Challenges Facing the Prosecution
• a) Weak Capacity Can be Bolstered by International Support
• b) Limited Resources can be Used Efficiently
• c) Lack of Technical Expertise Can be Addressed with Expert Support
• d) A Safer Political Environment Can be Created Through Political Support
• VII. Conclusion
• Acknowledgments.

"On January 16, 2011, former president-for-life of Haiti, Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, returned to Haiti after nearly 25 years in exile. The government of Haiti responded by re-opening a 2008 investigation into alleged financial crimes, and several victims of serious human rights violations under the Duvalier regime also came forward and filed complaints with the prosecutor. The investigation into Duvalier's alleged financial and human rights crimes is currently underway. Haiti's Rendez-Vous with History provides an overview of human rights violations under Duvalier, details the current status of the proceedings against him, including obstacles to a successful prosecution, and analyzes applicable Haitian and international law. We conclude that investigation and prosecution of the grave violations of human rights under Duvalier's rule is required by Haiti's obligations under international law. While there are still obstacles to overcome, the case presents an historic opportunity for Haiti. Successful prosecution of Duvalier is important not only for Duvalier's many victims, but also for Haiti's struggling judicial system and for Haitian society more broadly. Bringing Duvalier to justice and giving him a fair trial could help restore Haitians' faith in the justice system and the rule of law. A prosecution could also act as a deterrent to other leaders, both in Haiti and elsewhere, demonstrating that they can be held accountable for serious violations of human rights. The challenges to fair and transparent prosecution of Duvalier are enormous but not insurmountable. The success of the case will depend on the political will of the government of Haiti to uphold its obligations under international law and rigorously pursue what could be the most important criminal case in its history, and on the willingness of the international community to provide essential support now and as the case develops."--P. [4] of cover.

• Summary
• Key reccomendations
• Methodology
• Background
• Obstacles to maternal and reproductive health : failure to protect women's and girl's rights
• Donor states and non-state actors in Haiti
• Conclusion
• Recommendations
• Acknowledgements.

"Despite an unprecedented influx of financial aid, the state of maternal health in post-earthquake Haiti remains precarious. Prenatal and obstetric care is inadequate. Many women have no access to contraceptives, including emergency contraception after rape, and many of the 300,000 women and girls who still live in displacement camps engage in sex for food or money in order to survive. The crisis is reflected in pregnancy rates in the camps that are three times higher than in urban areas before the earthquake, when rates of maternal mortality already ranked among the world's worst. Human Rights Watch interviewed 128 Haitian women and girls living in 15 displacement camps, in order to document these and other barriers to maternal health in post-earthquake Haiti. Access to even the most basic information related to reproductive and maternal health is severely limited. Even the small costs of transportation to and from health facilities or fees for medical prescriptions create serious obstacles for women and girls seeking health services. Women and girls who are consequently unable to access these services face further risks when they give birth in the unhealthy conditions of the displacement camps. This report also describes the impact of rape and survival sex on women's and girls' reproductive health, and the limited access to medical services necessary to prevent unwanted pregnancy. Long before the earthquake the government of Haiti was dependent on international aid to provide health care, and to address the problem of sexual violence. In the post-earthquake context donors should help the Haitian government to set up the oversight and accountability structures necessary to ensure that the rights of women and girls to adequate health care are protected. Without this assistance, women and girls living in the camps may not benefit from those services that are available to them and cannot seek a remedy when problems or abuses occur. Human Rights Watch calls on all actors in Haiti to prioritize the protection of women and girl's rights to maternal and reproductive health care in recovery efforts, and to ensure transparency and accountability in the provision of this protection, including by non-governmental actors"--P. [4] of cover.

• Introduction: reappearance of convicted or indicted perpetrators of human rights violations on the scene in Haiti
• History repeating itself: the multinational intervention ten years ago, and its links to today
• Post-1994 efforts to hold perpetrators accountable for their crimes
• Convicted perpetrators of past human rights violations currently in Haiti
• Recommendations

"Following Haiti's return to democratic order in 1994 the country held several high-profile trials of human rights violations. With the lawlessness that followed the departure of President Jean Bertrand Aristide from Haiti in February 2003, a number of those convicted of human rights crimes are once again free in Haiti, and some have re-emerged as commanders of rebel groups. This report gives detailed information about six of them, including their involvement in judicial proceedings regarding past human rights violations. It also urges the international community to ensure that under no circumstances are those convicted of human rights abuses given any position of authority, whether in a transitional government or among the security forces."--Publisher website

• Context
• On the eve of the Bicentennial: human rights abuses in the context of increasing political violence
• Conclusion and recommendations

"With the Bicentennial celebration of its independence just a few months away, the human rights challenges facing Haiti have increased. The major issues are: impunity, attacks on freedom of expression, violations by security forces and abuses by political partisans and illegal armed groups linked to government officials, A more recent set of concerns include abuses committed by unofficial, apparently politically-motivated groups during armed attacks against government supporters. The Haitian National Police (HNP) have also been accused of human rights violations. In this report Amnesty International makes a series of concrete recommendations, to the Haitian authorities as well as to leaders of political parties and other groups, in order to ensure that human rights are protected in a context of apparently growing political violence."--Publisher website