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• The constitutional logic of the presidency
• John Tyler : the expelled president
• Andrew Johnson : the impeached president
• Gerald Ford : the appointed president.

• The constitutional logic of the presidency
• John Tyler : the expelled president
• Andrew Johnson : the impeached president
• Gerald Ford : the appointed president.

"Beginning with a discussion of how the regime created by the Constitution requires a strong executive, it then moves to note the different attributes that emerge from the presidency's structure. Specifically, energy, secrecy, continuity, a national perspective, and a longer temporal horizon. The rest of the chapter describes how these attributes fit in with the presidency's constitutional duties and powers, providing the means to achieve the functional ends set by the Constitution. The framework for analyzing the relationship between the office's structure, duties, and powers are five presidential roles: chief executive, chief legislator, chief diplomat, commander-in-chief, and chief constitutionalist. Throughout the chapter it is also noted how this logic interacts with the other branches and points out those areas where the logic may have tensions or be ambiguous, to be resolved by political contestation"-- Provided by publisher.

• Prologue : why radical moderation?
• Interlude : the interlocutors
• Can liberal democracy be saved?
• Rediscovering moderation in our immoderate age
• The skepticism toward moderation and what its critics miss about it
• The archipelago of moderation (I) : the old world
• The archipelago of moderation (II) : the new world
• An alternative to ideology
• An antidote to fanaticism
• The limits of moral clarity
• Against the politics of warfare
• No Manichaeism and no litmus tests
• Compromise
• Trimming and balance
• Centrism
• Eclecticism and pluralism
• Dialogue
• Intermezzo : the lure of radicalism
• The spirit of moderation
• Modesty and humility
• Civility
• Prudence
• Realism and pragmatic partisanship
• the last beacon of hope?
• Epilogue : rules for "radical moderates".

"Moderation is often presented as a simple virtue for lukewarm and indecisive minds, searching for a fuzzy center between the extremes. Not surprisingly, many politicians do not want to be labeled "moderates" for fear of losing elections. Why Not Moderation? challenges this conventional image and shows that moderation is a complex virtue with a rich tradition and unexplored radical sides. Through a series of imaginary letters between a passionate moderate and two young radicals, the book outlines the distinctive political vision undergirding moderation and makes a case for why we need this virtue today in America. Drawing on clearly written and compelling sources, Craiutu offers an opportunity to rethink moderation and participate in the important public debate on what kind of society we want to live in. His book reminds us that we cannot afford to bargain away the liberal civilization and open society we have inherited from our forefathers"-- Provided by publisher.

• Introduction
• Legislators Not Seeking Reelection: You Can't Fire Me If I Quit
• Challengers in State Legislative Elections: A Lack of Choice
• Who Represents You in the Legislature?
• What Do Voters Think About in State Legislative Elections?
• Accountability for Representation: "Out of Step" but Mostly Still In Office
• The Electoral Impact of Party Performance: All Politics Are Not Local
• "Accountability" in Primary Elections
• The Cracking Foundation of Statehouse Democracy.

• Introduction
• Legislators Not Seeking Reelection: You Can't Fire Me If I Quit
• Challengers in State Legislative Elections: A Lack of Choice
• Who Represents You in the Legislature?
• What Do Voters Think About in State Legislative Elections?
• Accountability for Representation: "Out of Step" but Mostly Still In Office
• The Electoral Impact of Party Performance: All Politics Are Not Local
• "Accountability" in Primary Elections
• The Cracking Foundation of Statehouse Democracy.

"State legislatures hold tremendous authority over key facets of our lives, in domains ranging from healthcare to education to election administration. And in an era of polarization and frequent policy gridlock at the national level, their significance has only increased. Political scientist Steven Rogers asks what voters know about state legislators, whether they have a meaningful opportunity to register their preferences in state legislative elections, and if there is evidence of accountability for performance in the outcomes of those elections. Drawing on broad-ranging evidence and creative research strategies, Rogers shows that, most often, state legislatures can produce policies contrary to citizens' priorities with little fear of being held accountable at the ballot box. Assembling an encyclopedic range of data on candidacy and retirements, lawmaker issue stances, news coverage, general elections, primaries, electoral competition, legislator effectiveness, state economic performance, public opinion, voter knowledge, and election outcomes, this book foregrounds a major issue: Voters do not know enough about their state representatives. They are often not presented with alternatives in elections where incumbents routinely run unopposed, and outcomes normally fail to correlate with indicators of legislative performance, either for individual lawmakers or in the aggregate performance of state government"-- Provided by publisher.

• Introduction
• Legislators not seeking reelection : you can't fire me if I quit
• Challengers in state legislative elections : a lack of choice
• Who represents you in the legislature?
• What do voters think about in state legislative elections?
• Accountability for representation : "out of step" but mostly still in office
• The electoral impact of party performance : all politics are not local
• "Accountability" in primary elections
• The cracking foundation of statehouse democracy.

"State legislatures hold tremendous authority over key facets of our lives, in domains ranging from healthcare to education to election administration. And in an era of polarization and frequent policy gridlock at the national level, their significance has only increased. Political scientist Steven Rogers asks what voters know about state legislators, whether they have a meaningful opportunity to register their preferences in state legislative elections, and if there is evidence of accountability for performance in the outcomes of those elections. Drawing on broad-ranging evidence and creative research strategies, Rogers shows that, most often, state legislatures can produce policies contrary to citizens' priorities with little fear of being held accountable at the ballot box. Assembling an encyclopedic range of data on candidacy and retirements, lawmaker issue stances, news coverage, general elections, primaries, electoral competition, legislator effectiveness, state economic performance, public opinion, voter knowledge, and election outcomes, this book foregrounds a major issue: Voters do not know enough about their state representatives. They are often not presented with alternatives in elections where incumbents routinely run unopposed, and outcomes normally fail to correlate with indicators of legislative performance, either for individual lawmakers or in the aggregate performance of state government"-- Provided by publisher.

• Introduction
• The Minor Family
• A suffragist's girlhood reconstructed
• Boyhood tragedy enables future success
• Courtship, marriage and three years in Holly Springs, Mississippi
• A new life in St. Louis
• Francis minor's legal career
• The minors during the Civil War
• The birth of women's suffrage movement in Missouri
• Suffrage and the new departure
• Minor v. Happersett
• A woman challenging the nation's highest court
• The lasting impact of the minor case on voting rights
• Down But Not Out
• Never stop fighting
• Death shall not silence me
• Epilogue: Twenty-first century revival

"America's Forgotten Suffragists: Virginia and Francis Minor is the first biography of these suffrage celebrities who were unique for their time in being jointly dedicated to the cause of female enfranchisement. This book follows their lives from slave-holding Virginians through their highly-lauded civilian work during the Civil War, and into the height of the early suffrage movement to show how two ordinary people of like mind, dedicated to a cause, can change the course of history"-- Provided by publisher

• Introduction: Studying Nationalization / Stephen K. Medvic, Matthew M. Schousen, and Berwood A. Yost
• Overview of the Pennsylvania Races in 2020 / Stephen K. Medvic, Matthew M. Schousen, and Berwood A. Yost
• Campaigns in the First Congressional District: Fighting the Nationalized Campaign Currents Along the Delaware River / Christopher Borick
• Campaigns in the Fourth Congressional District: Running in Philadelphia's Democratic Suburbs / J. Wesley Leckrone and Angela M. Corbo
• Campaigns in the Eighth Congressional District: What Does it Mean to be 'One of Us'? / Benjamin T. Toll
• Campaigns in the Tenth Congressional District: Competitiveness, Professionalism, and Asymmetric Nationalization / Sarah Niebler and Sophie Ackert
• Campaigns in the Sixteenth Congressional District: How Partisan Incentives Shape Nationalization in Northwestern Pennsylvania / Andrew Bloeser and Tarah Williams
• Campaigns in the Seventeenth Congressional District: Handing Pressure from National Eyes While Maintaining Local Ties / Kristen Coopie and Olivia O'Donnell
• Conclusion: What Have We Learned about Nationalization? / Stephen K. Medvic, Matthew M. Schousen, and Berwood A. Yost

"Uses the 2020 elections in Pennsylvania as a case study to gauge American election nationalization and to explore little-understood aspects of the phenomenon"-- Provided by publisher

• Introduction
• The Freedom of Information Act and the war against transparency
• The nature of inter-branch policy communication
• Misconceptions about inter-branch relations
• The bureaucracy: Congress's backdoor to policy influence
• Back-channel representation
• Congressional access and influence in the bureaucracy
• Conclusion

• Introduction
• A theory of back-channel policymaking
• The Freedom of Information Act and the war against transparency
• The nature of inter-branch policy communication
• Misconceptions about inter-branch relations
• The bureaucracy : Congress's backdoor to policy influence
• Back-channel representation
• Congressional access and influence in the bureaucracy
• Conclusion.

"Backdoor Lawmaking reveals how members of the US Congress use the federal bureaucracy as a backdoor for policymaking. Lawmakers pressure agencies to make policy changes in order to avoid obstacles in the legislative process. The book uses records obtained under the Freedom of Information Act in qualitative and quantitative analyses to show how members of Congress are incorporating agency regulations into a broader strategy of policymaking that spans branches of government and which lawmakers are most effective at using this approach. Lawmakers use agency regulations as a substitute for legislative action, pressure agencies to delay and block the implementation of law until new legislation is passed, and work with agencies to draft legislation. The bureaucracy also offers lawmakers a discreet way to represent controversial interests outside of the formal constraints of Congress. The book considers the implications of its findings for democratic accountability and representation and assesses the normative tradeoffs: Inter-branch policymaking allows members of Congress to evade accountability and to bypass the lawmaking process established in the US Constitution. Yet, it may be critical for preserving democratic norms given the growth of administrative lawmaking"-- Provided by publisher.

• Introduction: $peech
• Part 1: The Campaign
• The Players and Process
• Taking Campaign Finance Reform to Court
• Charting a Better Path
• Winning in the Roberts Court
• Part 2: Themes and Implications
• Strange Bedfellows?
• Different Constitutional Universes
• Issues of Accountability
• Continuing Battles
• Conclusion: Big Money Unleashed.

"Americans across party lines believe that public policy is rigged in favor of those who wield big money in elections. Yet, legislators are restricted in addressing these concerns by a series of Supreme Court decisions finding that campaign finance regulations violate the First Amendment. Big Money Unleashed argues that our current impasse is the result of a long-term process involving many players. Naturally, the justices played critical roles-but so did the attorneys who hatched the theories necessary to support the legal doctrine, the legal advocacy groups that advanced those arguments, the wealthy patrons who financed these efforts, and the networks through which they coordinated strategy and held the Court accountable. Drawing from interviews, public records, and archival materials, Big Money Unleashed chronicles how these players borrowed a litigation strategy pioneered by the NAACP to dismantle racial segregation and used it to advance a very different type of cause"-- Provided by publisher.

• The faction
• The deputy
• The judge
• The assembly
• The shield
• The sword
• The citizen
• The angel.

"Donald Trump will be president again, whether he is on the ballot or not. That is because Trumpism is overtaking the Republican Party and will mount a vigorous comeback, potentially in the hands of a savvier successor--The Next Trump. This prophecy will come true, according to Miles Taylor, if we do not learn the lessons of the recent past. With the 2024 election approaching, the formerly "Anonymous" official is back with bombshell revelations and a sobering national forecast. Through interviews with dozens of ex-Trump aides and government leaders, Taylor predicts what could happen inside "Trump 2.0," the White House of a more competent and more formidable copycat. What sounds like a political thriller -- from shadowy presidential powers and CIA betrayals to angry henchmen and assassination plots -- is instead America's political reality, as Taylor uses never-before-told stories to shed light on the ex-president's unfulfilled plans, the dark forces haunting our civic lives, and to show how we can thwart the rise of extremism in the United States. Blowback is also a surprisingly emotional and self-critical portrait of a dissenter, one whose own unmasking provides a vivid warning about what happens when we hide the truth from others and, most important, from ourselves."-- Page 4 of cover.

• Introduction
• "An instrument to attain their hopes and dreams": Democratic Party women, 1928-1935
• "Women have indeed come of age politically": The Democratic Women's Division, 1936-1940
• "The consensus is that women will swing the pendulum": the Women's Division in wartime
• After Roosevelt: the postwar fate of the Democratic Women's Division
• Housewives for Truman: the 1948 campaign
• "Merger or murder?": the evolution of the Democratic Women's Division, 1949-1953
• Reaching Republican women: the 1952 campaign
• "Government comes right into the home": women's party politics during the Baby Boom
• Fundraisers and pollsters: The 1956 election and the decline of the Women's Division
• Epilogue.

• The stage is set: 1984-1986
• The scandals
• Dukakis's triumph
• Bush's triumph
• The fight begins
• Coming out of Reagan's shadow
• The debates take center stage
• One final charge
• The legacy of 1988

"At 8:00 p.m. Eastern Standard Time on election night 1988, NBC news anchor Tom Brokaw informed the country that they would soon know the outcome of 'one of the longest, bloodiest presidential campaigns that anyone can remember.' It was a landslide victory for George H.W. Bush over Michael Dukakis, and yet Bush would serve only one term, forever overshadowed in history by the man who made him vice president, by the man who defeated him, and even by his own son. The 1988 presidential race quickly receded into history, but it marked the emergence of negative campaigning, attack advertisements on television, and other key trends that came to define the elections that followed"-- Provided by publisher

• Introduction
• Why are Black governors and U.S. Senators so rare? Racial bias against Black challengers, 2000-2020
• The racialization of Black candidates
• The response of Black candidates
• The Deval Patrick and Harold Ford, Jr. campaigns of 2006
• The 2013 Cory Booker and 2014 Anthony Brown campaigns
• When Black women run-the run: The 2018 Stacey Abrams and 2020 Kamala Harris campaigns
• The Booker experiment
• The criminal pardon experiment
• Conclusion.

• Chronology of events
• Congressional organization
• Congressional sessions
• Documents
• Proposed seal and flags.

"In 1923, the Southern Historical Society (SHS) published 'Proceedings of the Confederate Congress' in its journal, Southern Historical Society Papers. It was the first of nine issues containing congressional minutes from the public sessions of the Confederate Congress that met in Richmond, Virginia from February 1862 to March 1865. Unlike the summary notations of the official US congressional journals, the 'Proceedings' were drawn primarily from the archives of two newspapers from Richmond, Virginia-the Examiner and the Dispatch-which served the Confederacy's capital city. These journalists['] reports preserved nearly verbatim transcripts of speeches, debates, and bills considered by the Confederate legislature, including details seldom available from other sources, and have proven to be invaluable sources for Confederate political history. 'Proceedings of the Confederate Congress' is not without problems, however, chief among them its lack of completeness. Owing to budgetary constraints and lack of resources, SHS president Douglas Southall Freeman was forced to focus exclusively on the sessions of the Regular Confederate Congress beginning in 1862. None of the proceedings of the Montgomery and Richmond Provisional Congresses of 1861 and 1862 were included in the series. With 'Congress of States,' David Carlson fills this void by compiling and editing the minutes of these early legislative sessions from daily press reports published in newspapers in Richmond, Virginia; Montgomery, Alabama; Charleston, South Carolina; New Orleans, Louisiana; and Savannah and Augusta, Georgia, in the process assembling a complete set of transcriptions documenting the creation of the Confederate government. When delegations from South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and, later, Texas met in Montgomery, Alabama in February 1861 to discuss the creation of a southern national government, none had been authorized to do so by the conventions that sent them. Within weeks, however, they launched a de facto constitutional convention, formed a government, and selected Jefferson Davis and Alexander Stephens to serve as president and vice president of the new nation. This transpired at a critical juncture prior to Abraham Lincoln's first inauguration when eight other slave states had yet to act. The delegates understood their place on the public stage and newspapers' usefulness in espousing and galvanizing their cause. From its initial formation through the expansion of the Confederacy and the new government's official establishment in the capital city of Richmond, Virginia, the Provisional Congress provided a vehicle around which the new nation coalesced as members negotiated with states and foreign governments, mobilized a military, consulted with constituents, and forged a national culture. As the conflict deepened, sensitive business increasingly took place behind closed doors away from the public, reporters, and the risk of espionage (as would also be true in the Regular Confederate Congress), but even the public functions that remained and were reported on in open chambers provide valuable insights into the workings and mindset of the Confederate government. Intended as a primary source and reference for libraries, historians, and political scientists of the nineteenth century, 'Congress of States' provides an introduction explaining the Provisional Confederate Congress and the background and purpose of the book relative to the SHS and its 'Proceedings of the Confederate Congress'; a chronology outlining the major events surrounding the secession crisis which informed and influenced the Provisional Congress; annotated minutes for each of Provisional Confederate Congress's five sessions; and appendices featuring the leadership and committees of the Provisional Congress, primary source documents referenced but not included in the proceedings, and examples of the proposed emblem and flags debated as symbols of the Confederacy"-- Provided by publisher.

• Prelude: Posing the woman question in 1838
• Observing American democracy
• Domesticating democracy
• To make democracy consistent
• Interlude: Self-government on trial in 1863
• Amending democracy
• Reconstructing the woman question
• Unresolved questions
• Epilogue: New women, new questions in 1893.