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"After World War II a mood of despair and impotence pervaded the arts in West Germany. The culture and institutions of the Third Reich were abruptly dismissed, yet there was no immediate return to the Weimar period's progressive ideals. In this moment of cultural stasis, how could West Germany's artists free themselves from their experiences of Nazism? Moving from 1945 to reunification, Michael H. Kater explores West German culture as it emerged from the darkness of the Third Reich. Examining periods of denial and complacency as well as attempts to reckon with the past, he shows how all postwar culture was touched by the vestiges of National Socialism. From the literature of Günter Grass to the happenings of Joseph Beuys and Karlheinz Stockhausen's innovations in electronic music, Kater shows how it was only through the reinvigoration of the cultural scene that West Germany could contend with its past - and eventually allow democracy to reemerge"-- Provided by publisher.

• Von der Soester Börde an die Ostfront
• Vom Verwaltungsjuristen zum Kommunal- und Landespolitiker
• Der Weg zum nationalliberalen Bundespolitiker
• Aufstieg in der Bundestagsfraktion
• Politikgestaltung im Fraktionsvorsitz
• Politveteran im wiedervereinigten Deutschland

• 1. Des années viennoises aux années de guerre (1908-1918). Quel antisémite était Hitler)
• Les années incertaines
• L'expérience de la Grande Guerre
• 2. L'Entrée en politique (1919-1920)
• La lettre à Gemlich
• Lettre d'Hitler à Gemlich (16 septembre 1919)
• Le Parti allemand des travailleurs
• Programme de base du Parti national-socialiste allemand des travailleurs (24 février 1920)
• Le grand tournant du printemps 1920
• Discours d'Hitler "Pourquoi sommes-nous antisémites ?" (13 août 1920)
• Les sources intellectuelles d'Hitler en août 1920
• 3. La constitution d'une idéologie ferme et cohérente sous l'influence de Dietrich Eckart (1920-1923)
• Peer Gynt et l'ombre du "grand Courbe"
• La lutte "pour l'ordre et le droit"
• Poète du Parti et mentor du Führer
• Les derniers mois
• 4. Tuer le père ? Hitler, entre le reniement et la glorification de son mentor (1922-1945)
• "Un Allemand exceptionnel"
• Un héritage encombrant.

"Dans Mein Kampf, l'autobiographie qu'il rédigea en 1924-1925, Hitler donne de lui-même l'image d'un parfait autodidacte à la vision du monde totalement constituée. Pourtant, le trentenaire qui entra en politique au sortir de la Première Guerre mondiale n'avait pas d'opinions bien arrêtées, ni même de fortes convictions antisémites. S'appuyant sur les premiers textes d'Hitler, traduits ici pour certains pour la première fois, Anne Quinchon-Caudal retrace les années de formation de ce soldat qui trouva à partir de 1919 une seconde famille auprès du Parti allemand des travailleurs. Celui-ci entretenait des relations plus ou moins étroites avec une nébuleuse d'idéologues nationalistes et racistes, qui entendaient défendre les intérêts du peuple allemand "authentique" contre une multitude d'ennemis, supposés vouloir la mort de la germanité. C'est ce milieu qui donna à Hitler les éléments de langage de sa propagande, des mots qui entrèrent en résonnance avec la situation d'une large frange de la population. Une population appauvrie par la guerre et révoltée par ses conséquences, que le politicien harangua toujours plus radicalement lors des meetings du Parti national-socialiste. Mais c'est surtout dans ce milieu qu'Hitler rencontra celui qui allait devenir son maître à penser : l'écrivain antisémite Dietrich Eckart. Anne Quinchon-Caudal propose dans ce livre une histoire des idées hitlériennes et de leur évolution, de la fin de la Grande Guerre à l'échec du putsch de la Brasserie en 1923. "Ce travail montre Hitler en fils, et non en accident, de notre modernité." Nicolas Patin, préfacier."--Page 4 of cover.

In 1990, a country disappeared. When the Iron Curtain fell, East Germany simply ceased to be. For over forty years, from the ruin of the Second World War to the cusp of a new millennium, the GDR presented a radically different German identity to anything that had come before, and anything that exists today. Socialist solidarity, secret police, central planning, barbed wire: this was a Germany forged on the fault lines of ideology and geopolitics.In Beyond the Wall, acclaimed historian Katja Hoyer offers a kaleidoscopic new vision of this vanished country. Beginning with the bitter experience of German Marxists exiled by Hitler, she traces the arc of the state they would go on to create, first under the watchful eye of Stalin, and then in an increasingly distinctive German fashion. From the building of the Berlin Wall in 1961, to the relative prosperity of the 1970s, and on to the creaking foundations of socialism in the mid-1980s, Hoyer argues that amid oppression and frequent hardship, East Germany was yet home to a rich political, social and cultural landscape, a place far more dynamic than the Cold War caricature often painted in the West.Powerfully told, and drawing on a vast array of never-before-seen interviews, letters and records, this is the definitive history of the other Germany, the one beyond the Wall

• After diaspora, beyond citizenship
• Exploding Hitler and Americanizing Germany : occupying black bodies and postwar desire
• Occupying American black bodies and reconfiguring European spaces : the possibilities for noncitizen articulations in Berlin and beyond
• Holocaust Mahnmal (memorial) : monumental memory amid contemporary race
• Democratization as exclusion? : refugee futures, Holocaust heritage, and the defunding of participation
• "Insurrectionary imagination" : the rehearsal is the revolution
• Articulating a noncitizen politics : nation state pity versus black possibility
• Conclusion : noncitizen futures: back to (universal) black

In this bold and provocative book, Damani J. Partridge examines the possibilities and limits of a universalized Black politics. Young people in Germany of Turkish, Arab, and African descent use claims of Blackness to hold states and other institutions accountable for their everyday struggle. Partridge tracks how these youth invoke the expressions of Black Power, acting out the medal-podium salute from the 1968 Olympics, proclaiming "I am Malcolm X, " expressing mutual struggle with Muhammad Ali and Spike Lee, and standing with raised and clenched fists next to Angela Davis. Partridge also documents the demands by public-school teachers, federal-program leaders, and politicians that young immigrants account for the global persistence of anti-Semitism as part of the German state's commitment to antigenocidal education. He uses these stories to interrogate the relationships among European Enlightenment, Holocaust memory, and Black futures, showing how noncitizens work to reshape their everyday lives. In doing so, he demonstrates how the concept of Blackness energizes, inspires, and makes possible participation beyond national belonging for immigrants, refugees, Black people, and other People of Color. .
(source: Nielsen Book Data)

This book is a cultural history of post-Wall urban, social, political, and cultural transformations in Berlin. Branding Berlin: From Division to the Cultural Capital of Europe presents a cultural analysis of Berlin's cultural production, including literature, film, memoirs and non-fiction works, art, media, urban branding campaigns, and cultural diversity initiatives put forth by the Berlin Senate, and allows readers to understand the various changes that transformed the formerly divided city of voids into a hip cultural capital. The book examines Berlin's branding, urban-economic development, and its search for a post-Wall identity by focusing on manifestations of nostalgic longing in documentary films and other cultural products. Building on the sociological research of urban branding and linking it with an interpretive analysis of cultural products generated in Berlin during that time, the author examines the intersections and tensions between the nostalgic views of the past and the branded images of Berlin's present and future. This insightful and innovative work will interest scholars and students of cultural and media studies, branding and advertising, urban communication, film studies, visual culture, tourism, and cultural memory.

• Einleitung
• Editorische Festlegungen
• Briefe 1738 bis 1750 [1757]
• Anhang

• List of illustrations
• Abbreviations
• Acknowledgements
• Preface
• Introduction. A poisoned past
• Chapter 1. Child of war
• Chapter 2. Adventure America
• Chapter 3. Becoming a historian
• Chapter 4. Exploring German pasts
• Chapter 5. The Wild East
• Chapter 6. Southern part of Heaven
• Conclusion. German lessons
• A note on sources
• Books by Konrad H. Jarausch
• Select bibliography

"As one of the leading historians of the post-1956 generation and an internationally acclaimed scholar for the past five decades, Konrad H. Jarausch's autobiography presents a sustained academic reflection on the post-war German effort to cope with the guilt of the Holocaust amongst a generation of historians too young to have been perpetrators. Ranging from his war-time childhood in a chaotic country, to Americanization as a foreign student, and concluding with his mentorship of PhDs as a respected international scholar, he weaves together a self-critical historiography of a twentieth-century Germany that was wrestling with the responsibility for war and genocide. This self-reflexive work explores a wide range of topics including the development of German historiography and methodological debates, the interdisciplinary teaching efforts in German studies, and the development of scholarly organizations and institutions"-- Provided by publisher

"In November 1918 a revolution overthrew the old imperial system in Germany and inaugurated a republic. The revolution was formally completed in August 1919 when the social democrat Friedrich Ebert was sworn in as president. By this time, however, many of the revolution's original aims and intentions had been swallowed up by new political concerns and lived experiences. For contemporaries the meaning of '9 November' changed, becoming increasingly contested between rival parties, military experts and scholars. This book examines how the debate on the revolution has evolved from August 1919 to the present day. It takes the reader through the ideological battles of the 1920s and 30s into the equally politicised historical writing of the cold war period. It ends with a consideration of the marginalisation of the revolution in academic research since the 1980s, and its revival from 2010."-- Publisher's webpage.

• Einleitung
• I. Geschichte der Freikorps. 1. Kriegsende und Revolution
• 2. Militärisch-politische Situation Ende 1918
• 3. Aufstellung der Freikorps
• 4. Einsätze der Freikorps
• 5. Auflösung der Freikorps
• II. Soziale Zusammensetzung. 1. Studenten
• 2. Offiziere
• 3. Arbeiterschaft
• 4. 'Neuer' und 'alter' Mittelstand
• 5. Schüler, Kadetten, Lehrlinge und Praktikanten
• 6. Regionale Prägung
• 7. Religion und konfessionelle Strukturen
• 8. Altersstruktur und Generationenverteilung
• 9. Familien
• 10. Sozialprofil und soziale Mobilität
• III. Gewalterfahrung und Gewalthandeln. 1. Kriegserfahrung
• 2. Ausbildung
• 3. Berlin und München 1919
• 4. Ruhrgebiet 1920
• 5. Baltikum 1919
• 6. Deutsch-polnisches Grenzgebiet 1919-1921
• 7. Rechtshistorische Bewertung
• IV. Kontinuitäten zum Nationalsozialismus. 1. NSDAP
• 2. Sturmabteilung
• 3. Schutzstaffel
• Resümee
• Anhang
• Danksagung
• Register

"Mit der systematischen Auswertung bislang wenig beachteter Quellen zu süddeutschen Freikorps liefert der Autor erstmals ein profundes und detailliertes Sozialprofil dieser Einheiten, die so entscheidend die Gewalt des Nachkrieges und damit die Geschichte der Weimarer Republik geprägt haben. Die umfangreichen sozialhistorischen Daten ermöglichen eine Überprüfung gängiger und lange Zeit tradierter Forschungsthesen zu Herkunft, Motivation und Radikalisierung der Paramilitärs sowie eine Analyse personeller Kontinuitäten hin zu NSDAP, SA und SS und damit einen Blick auf die Bedeutung der Freikorps für die Genese der massgeblichen NS-Herrschaftsorganisationen. Dieser Beitrag zur Frühgeschichte der Weimarer Republik wie auch zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus zeigt, dass alte Gewissheiten, die nicht selten einer ideologischen Geschichtsschreibung oder der Selbsthistorisierung ehemaliger Freikorpskämpfer entstammen, deutlicher Korrekturen bedürfen."--taken from back cover